December 2008 Colombia Peace Update

5 December 2008

• Letter from the Field: Resisting Displacement
• Indigenous Protests Arrive in Bogota
• Human Rights March and Carnaval in Medellin
• Drop Beats Not Bombs:
  Everything Changed, Everything the Same
• Upcoming Events

Letter from the Field: Resisting Displacement
By Julia Nelson
Of all the unique satisfactions of being an international accompanier, one of the greatest pleasures is visiting the Peace Community members in their homes. These visits provide not only a source of enjoyment and connectedness, but also an opportunity for deeper understanding into the reality of day to day survival within this admirable struggle for peaceful living. Whether seeking a snack of arepas or a friendly conversation, walking into a home here may also open the door to witnessing firsthand the tangible effects of the armed conflict that continues to surround and invade the lives of these peasant farmers (campesinos).
On the evening of November 8th as I went to visit my friend and neighbor in the Peace Community, I found myself staring into the faces of the latest victims of the war in this region. Having walked all day from their homes in the settlement of La Esperanza to come to where we live in La Unión, this family of four had just been displaced from their land earlier that day, bringing with them only what they could carry on their backs. As they wearily ate their dinner, they shared with me their story of how the events of the past few days had unfolded, having been forced from their homes to flee for their lives. And this was only the beginning.
When reflecting on the significance of the Peace Community, I think about these campesinos without whom this community would not have been created or could not persist in the face of countless losses and endless threats; I think about their values of non-violence, neutrality and dignity upon which the community has established itself as apart from the rest. And I cannot help but acknowledge and admire the undeniable importance of these fertile lands in the mountains of Urabá on which these farmers have survived and continue to cultivate their lives, despite the armed actors, including the Colombian military, the guerilla and the paramilitaries, who all desire and even combat to take over this space of the Peace Community.
Amidst this territorial struggle, the community was born. The Peace Community began when hundreds of campesinos were forced from their lands almost twelve years ago by the armed conflict overrunning their homes and the paramilitaries terrorizing their lives. Although distressed and displaced, a group of these farmers would not accept this unwarranted takeover of their fields. Founding and organizing the Peace Community, many farmers therefore started to return to their homes in the conflict-ridden mountain sides. Not only were these returns a display of their courage and strength, but was also a statement of their collective will to live peacefully and neutrally in their land, which they had cultivated for decades.
Yet to this day, these Peace Community members and the land they have reclaimed are still being threatened by the paramilitaries. Over the last few years and even as recently as this past February, FOR has accompanied the members as they have officially returned to three settlements of the community. However, just this past month the Peace Community once again experienced the devastating effects of the conflict in and around their homes, as a number of farmers in La Esperanza have been displaced from their homes. However, the Peace Community refuses to neither surrender their land nor let these violations go unaddressed; the community has already publically denounced these recent injustices and declared its unwavering position of non-violent resistance to this illegal armed group.
On November 7th, a large group of armed and identified paramilitaries entered into the settlement of La Esperanza, which is also home to members of the Peace Community. Because it is well-known in the region that the neighboring settlement to La Esperanza is controlled by these paramilitaries, the community acknowledged this invasion as an attempt to spread their authority into this territory. With guns and verbal abuse, this illegal armed group threatened some of these campesinos, saying that they were going to be killed unless they displaced from their homes. Five families immediately displaced from this settlement, which in turn increased the level of risk of displacement for those that remained, including the families of the Peace Community. When gunshots were heard on the following day, even more families from La Esperanza displaced from their homes for fear of finding themselves yet again amidst the presence of paramilitaries, and thus of continued threats on their lives.
On November 17th, Peace Community leaders accompanied by FOR went to La Esperanza, having heard that the only people that had stayed were the members of the community while all the other farmers had been displaced. In order to maintain a strong presence in this settlement and increase security for these campesinos, the community leaders gathered and met with the remaining families. By encouraging these community members to stay on their lands and to work together, these campesinos would demonstrate their continued opposition to the armed conflict through their collective refusal to abandon their lands. Despite the paramilitary movements around the community settlement, these farmers believe that maintaining the presence of the Peace Community in La Esperanza is a form of peaceful resistance to the control of the armed groups. Recognizing themselves as the only remaining obstacle to the armed groups taking complete control of this area, these Peace Community members agreed to stay in their homes.
These campesinos bravely and boldly decided not to relinquish their land for which they have already sacrificed so much to keep, including previous displacements, a number of assassinations and countless threats throughout the almost twelve years of the Peace Community's existence. With the political support and physical presence of FOR and other international organizations, these families of the community have overcome any fears in order to proceed with their work and lives in their own homes. Nonetheless, the reality of the threat of forced displacement and of the invasion of paramilitaries continues to exist in this region; however, as we have witnessed firsthand this past month, the strength and determinance of the Peace Community have also proven to unwieldingly persevere.
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Indigenous Protests Arrive in Bogota
Since the 12th of October, indigenous communities and organizations have been protesting in Colombia. Their protests began in the southern departments of Colombia, brought them to Cali and ended in Bogota. They managed to get Uribe to the negotiating table on November 2nd for a meeting with 2,000 participants while another 4,000 watched a television broadcast from a nearby farm. According to an article published in IPS News, Uribe was bothered that some of the indigenous people at the meeting did not stand up when the national anthem was played. According to Quilcué, a top leader of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), one of the country's most powerful indigenous associations, "We can't say we're operating in a framework of respect when we have been called terrorists and criminals." She was refering to the fact that on October 11, Uribe acccused the demonstrators of being guerrillas and terrorists. Referring to Uribe's "democratic security" policy and the heavy U.S. financing of government forces in Colombia's civil war, Quilcué complained that "democratic security has been used to kill civilians," and "Plan Colombia has been at the service of democratic security." Despite six hours of talks, Uribe did not give into the main demands made by the indigenous community. In turn, they decided to continue protesting and brought their march of 40,000 people to Bogota's city center.
On Friday, November 21st, after 42 days of protest, the minga (a traditional indigenous term which refers to the collective good) announced a pact with other social sectors. "With the power of Mother Earth, sustenance from the rain, energy from a sporadic son, spiritual guidance from 102 indigenous communities, the accompaniment of the national and international community and the presence of more than 40,000 walkers, our words fell upon our collective plaza [of Bogota]." They committed to continue their struggles and to reconverge on October 12th of 2009.
Over the course of the protests, three indigenous protesters were killed and around 170 people injured, including 39 police officers.
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Human Rights Carnaval and March in Medellin
The month of October was dedicated to carrying out various activities as part of the Social Forum in Medellin. There were many workshops, activities, and presentations that focused on social issues particular to youth, public services, security and crime, social conditions for local residents, displaced people, and many other topics that merited the attention of social organizations and civil society. The Youth Network of Medellin (RED-Juvenil de Medellin) participated and put together some of the activities of the Forum. They specifically asked FOR to observe one of the most visible activities that took place in the city center: The March & Carnival for Human Rights.
On the 30th of October, everyone was gathered at around 9:00am ready to start the carnival. The crowd was colorful, excited, vibrant and loud voices of familiar faces, friends, relatives, and activists echoed with the city noise in the background. There were people of all ages with entire families gathered to march for all the rights they believe should be demanded publicly and loudly. I was highly impressed by all the energy and smiles that were shared and expressed by all the participants. I was also surprised to see the talented six-year-olds in costumes wearing the 6ft long leg sticks that gave the march the kind of colors and visuals you usually get in a circus. "Get the camera!" "Did you see his costume?" "What are the police saying?" "When are we going to start marching?" were some of the comments I heard while I searched for the Youth Network's Security team to get information before the Carnival would being marching.
Waiting to Start
I noticed that there was a strong presence of policemen/women at the front of the crowd talking to the various organizers. They were debating the plan of action. The organizers wanted to proceed with the route they originally planned: pass through the Police's Command Station and have a public presentation in front of it. The police wanted otherwise. The state security refused to accept the continuation of the march if it meant that the citizens would pass by their command station and wanted the organizers to offer an alternative route. The Police also added "if the march proceeds as planned and passes through the command station, we will have to call the riot police (ESMAD)". This was a moment of tension. The organizers knew that if the ESMAD showed up, it would generate violence and that it would be a catalyst for chaos. A member of the Youth Network explained that "There have been many incidents in which the riot police uses strong violence against the participants and activists, inclusively last week students at the university were brutalized by them."
After more long minutes of dialogue between the organizers and the police a consensus was reached: the Carnival would change its route and avoid passing through the police station. "We don't want to be susceptible to acts of violence and we want to make sure that these kind of public actions don't lose their focus so we will rather have a peaceful march and be flexible," said one of the Youth Network's members.
And they marched—
Around 10:00am the carnival began! The indigenous community that was participating gathered and initiated the march with an honoring ceremony and asked that everyone respect mother Earth and each other. Then the music began to play and there was no way this crowd could be ignored by passersby. There were people with a megaphone speaking out against the social injustices they have to endure, the threats made against human rights defenders, social organizers, and union workers. The threats, they said, "also come directly from the State and the authorities." The children were dancing at the front of the march with their costumes while a live marching band followed. I was observing from the front of the crowd and noticed on the periphery there was more presence of police units. According to the Organized Community Network (ROC in Spanish) members, it is usually in the front of the march where more observation is needed in order to keep the crowd organized and to respond to emergencies. Being in the front also allowed the organizers to talk to the authorities in case anybody tried preventing the carnival from continuing its course.
The Human Rights March was indeed a carnival. The crowd had three different kinds of live music playing, including the Youth Network's Chirimia Band. There were an estimated 700-800 participants and many people dressed in costumes, with make-up and/or chanting a slogan. Some of the more visible costumes were a Caracol (Colombian mainstream media channel) news reporter with exaggerated breasts and a sign that read "Nothing wrong happens here", a statue of liberty with the face of a skeleton and stickers with Exxon, McDonalds, and Coca Cola, and a soldier with a gun that would pass around intimidating people.
Themes that were highlighted during the march were: disadvantages of the privatization of public services, the mainstream media's lack of interest in addressing social issues, womyn's rights, displaced people's conditions, university students' right to express themselves, indigenous peoples' rights to their land, and the right to have cultural celebrations in public spaces.
"We want to make sure that in Medellin, people are not stopped from expressing themselves because they fear for their lives. We want to make these public actions a kind of doorway so that people can celebrate their right to express themselves freely and collectively. That is why we are calling it a carnival, because we want to be loud, be excited, and still address those issues that we have to face everyday when our human rights are not respected. We don't want to be afraid to express ourselves," says a member of the Youth Arts Network who has been part of the organization for over six years.
Hot Sancocho for Everyone
During the entire four hours of the march the crowd did not cease to be loud and active. The participants who were performing dances and playing live music continued to do so until the end of the march, which was around 2:00pm. Luckily no major incidents happened although many people said they had identified policemen dressed as civilians. This is worrisome for most participants, as they expressed that undercover policemen take pictures of them and use that information to intimidate and frame them for crimes. Some participants also mentioned cases in which the undercover policemen would provoke a fight or dispute as a strategy to end a march and/or activity and arrest people.
After hours under the extremely hot sun everyone was hungry and thirsty and with partially melted make-up on their faces. The carnival ended in front of a union worker's organization where four huge (about 3 1/2 ft tall) pots of boiling Sancocho (a kind of stew with traditional Colombian vegetables and meat) were waiting for everyone.
It was definitely a wonderful experience to see non-violent initiatives take place in a context where activists and those who challenge the status quo continue to be victims of threats and violence. The best part was witnessing how fear is transformed into a carnival and for organizations such as the Youth Network of Medellin to be able to dance and sing as they ask for their human rights to be respected.
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Drop Beats Not Bombs
Balance of the Tour: Everything Changed, Everything Same
After 21 days on the road, 2557 miles driven and countless cafeteria meals — things are both different and the same. For example, before the tour our van was just another rental car with nothing unique about it. We returned it well used, more fragrant (!) and with a new name: the planet of Tranquilandia. Maybe more importantly, when the tour started the entire country was waiting with baited breath for the results of the election. Now we know that Obama will be our next US president. According to most people I've talked to, this means that some positive changes are likely to come about, but that we are not going to see an overhaul of the entire world order. Before the tour, political hip hop from Detroit had nothing to do with youth resistance in Colombia. Now Invincible's rhymes and Paula's stories of creative resistance are flowing together— in people's imaginations, thoughts and maybe even dreams. And yet, there is still war in Colombia, displacement in Detroit and a poverty draft of young people of color and the poor.
If we were executives in a big corporation we might ask: what are the measurable outcomes of our work? Was there return on investment? Our questions are framed differently in this laboratory of resistance (as we like to call it), but they are still questions we have to ask ourselves: what is the balance of this tour? We stretch our necks to look around us: have we changed the world yet? Are things different now? Is there less war, violence, poverty and racism? Is there more revolutionary love?
I can safely say yes, we brought people together. We made connections between local, national and international struggles. We worked with and supported student organizers. We opened up spaces for important issues to get talked about. Folks felt inspired. And as organizers we learned some good lessons.
I invited a friend and supporter of the FOR Colombia program to our final workshop and event in New York City. He showed up with his three younger siblings and afterwards wrote me an email saying, "We just got home from the event in Manhattan and I wanted to thank you again for the invitation. My siblings thought it was a great, interactive event. Afterwards, they told me that that was the first time they heard of conscientious objection and the first time they ever had a space to talk about the military in a critical way. I think it helped for them to hear about something that could be considered "radical" from someone other then myself. The conversations that continued after the event were ground breaking and I think it brought us closer together."
As far as I'm concerned, his email spoke to a success, albeit on a microcosmic level, of this tour. After all, this movement is made up of people: people and their families, friends and enemies, co-workers, bosses and neighbors. As people we are trying to love and challenge each other. Through one of our workshops, my friend had the opportunity to both break new ground with his family in taking a critical look at militarism, while at the same time feel closer to them. What else are we doing if not bringing our passion to create a more just world to the very center of our personal relationships?
Last spring I heard Andrea Smith speak, a native activist/academic and founder of Incite! Women of Color Against Violence. She suggested that the left has something to learn from the way that activists on the Christian right invest their time and resources in making relationships with people. She used the example of phone banking: instead of asking for a donation or contact information, they simply call you up to say a prayer for your health and well being. This action creates a connection and is a long-term investment in that individual; it is the Christian right's version of "movement building." She challenged the folks in the audience to think about how we can invest in the movement for the long term and not always be focused on our immediate goals of raising X amount of money or securing X number of signatures.
I cannot claim that our Drop Beats Not Bombs tour perfectly carried out a "movement building" model. Like I said above, we faced our share of challenges along the way, we learned from them and have hopefully become better organizers because of them. But if anything is a measurable outcome, it is the relationships we built along the way — the relationships the five of us on tour developed with each other during the countless hours in the van, the relationships that we started (and will continue to cultivate) with student organizers, the connection we made with an Israeli conscientious objector in Ithaca and the relationships strengthened among others because the tour offered a space for discussion, connection and analysis.
Our last day together we spent touring New York City. Paula wanted to see the Statue of Liberty so we took the boat there and clutched our coats to our ears to keep out the cold as we peered up at that huge, green lady of liberty. I felt a mix of feelings: hope, disappointment, exhaustion, idealism and cynicism. Somehow it seemed strangely apropos to be there — in the balance of it all, with a new president-elect, with lessons learned from our time on the road, the State of Liberty was there in all her splendor. I thought to myself that she does stand for something, for a big vision of what could be, one of those archetypal symbols that loom on our psychological horizon. And at the same time, I wished our country would live up to what she stands for.
Read tour diaries and see photos at our tour blog: forpeace.net/tag/drop-beats-08.
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Upcoming events
Upcoming Delegations
March 27-April 6, 2009: Youth Arts and Action Delegation. Builds on the dynamic experience of the first youth arts and action delegation in 2008 and the groups of conscientious objectors in Medellín and Bogotá. This delegation will be the focus of a documentary film produced by two participants. $1000 from Bogotá.
August 15-29, 2009: Delegation to San José Peace Community, Medellín and Eastern Antioquia. Witness the incredible commitment and experience of the Peace Community of San José and other Colombian grassroots initiatives. $1500 from Bogotá.
Training for New Field Team Applicants
March 17-22, San Francisco: Apply to be part of the FOR teams in Bogotá and San José de Apartadó in Colombia. Team members serve for 12 months or longer, must be 23 and fluent in Spanish. More information is at /node/6011.